After having presented the religious and ethnic distribution in Tehran (Chapter 3), this chapter focuses on the analysis of the city's density and spatial polarization, which could be defined as the tendency that social inequalities are reflected in the spatial distribution of the population over an urban territory.
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| Image 1: Hassan Abad |
"Tehran is the 16th most populated city in the world !" (Bertrand, 2003)
Teheran is a capital with a low average density because it contains large areas that have not been built on. According to 1996 statistics, the average population density in Tehran is about 125 persons/hectar and it could be roughly estimated that about 20% is currently living under poverty line, poor being defined as those that have an income lower than 250 USD per month.
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| Figures 1 and 2: Tehran Populationn densities in 1996 (above) and 2006 (below) (source: Atlas of Tehran Metropolis) |
More than half of the country's industry is based in the Iranian capital city. Industries include the manufacturing of cars, electronics and electrical equipment, weaponry, textiles, sugar, cement and chemical products. Tehran is also a leading center for the sale of carpets and furniture and incorporates an oil refinery rearby. Only three per cent of the city’s economy accounts for the primary sector (agriculture), 31% relates to the secondary sector (manufacturing) and the last 66% account for the tertiary sector (services).
Spatial Polarization in the city
The spatial differentiation of Tehran is not so much from center to periphery but from North to South. Households’ income and households’ floor space consumption follows the same North-South pattern as seen below.
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| Figure 3: Size of Residential Units (as socio-economic measurement) (source: Tehran Statistical yearbook 1996, 2006 and 2011-2012) |
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| Figure 4: Land Prices (as socio-economic measurement) (source: Tehran Statistical yearbook 1996, 2006 and 2011-2012) |
The spatial social segregation of Tehran is stunning. Households’ expenditures are 3 times higher in the northern district as compared to the Southern districts, and the residential floor consumption is 4 times higher in the North than in the South. While many cities of the world show a spatial bias in the distribution of households’ income (for instance there is a western bias for high income in London and Paris) these bias are not as pronounced as in Tehran. While social integration is not an objective of the municipality, given the spatial reality, it might be worth considering social segregation as an issue for future development.
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| Image 2: Highrises in the northern part of the city (by Hamed kh - Elahieh, 2007) |
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| Image 3: High built up density in the southern part of the city, taken from Milad Tower's top. (by KIMA) |
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| Image 4: Villas and Residential Toers in to the northern part of the city, taken from Milad Tower's top. (by KIMA) |
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| Image 5: Tehran at night (by KIMA) |
Sources:
- Bertrand, A. (2003). Order without Design.
- Atlas of Tehran Metropolis
- Tehran Statistical yearbook 1996, 2006 and 2011-2012
>> Go to Chapter 5 to discover the external and internal migration patterns to Tehran
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